Alexius I and the First Crusade
But even the events of 1071 had not made the decline of Byzantium
irretrievable. The shrinking of its boundaries reduced the empire
from its status as a dominating world power to that of a small Greek
state fighting for survival. That survival now depended on the new
political, commercial, and ecclesiastical forces in the West, for
it could no longer draw on its former military and economic resources
in Anatolia. The civil aristocracy of Constantinople yielded with
bad grace. After four years of civil war, the military lords triumphed
with the accession of Alexius I Comnenus, the greatest soldier and
statesman to hold the throne since Basil II. The history of his
reign was written in elegant Greek by his daughter Anna Comnena;
and, as she remarks, it began with an empire beset by enemies on
all sides. The Normans captured Dyrrhachium (modern Durrës, Alb.)
in 1082 and planned to advance overland to Thessalonica. Alexius
called on the Venetians to help him, but Robert Guiscard's death
in 1085 temporarily eased the Norman problem. The following year
the Seljuq sultan died, and the sultanate was split by internal
rivalries. Fortune thus played into Alexius's hands by ridding him
of two of his besetting enemies. By his own efforts, however, he
defeated the Pechenegs in 1091.
The Venetians had been pleased to help drive the Normans out of
the Adriatic Sea but demanded a heavy price. In 1082 Alexius granted
them trading privileges in Constantinople and elsewhere on terms
calculated to outbid Byzantine merchants. This charter was the cornerstone
of the commercial empire of Venice in the eastern Mediterranean.
But it fed the flames of Byzantine resentment against the Latins;
and it provoked the rich, who might have been encouraged to invest
their capital in shipbuilding and trade, to rely on the more familiar
security of landed property.
The terms that Alexius made with his enemies in the first 10 years
of his reign were not meant to be permanent. He fully expected to
win back Anatolia from the Seljuqs; his plans, however, were not
given time to mature, for matters were precipitated by the arrival
in the East of the first crusaders from western Europe (1096). Alexius
had undoubtedly solicited the help of mercenary troops from the
West but not for the liberation of the Holy Land from the infidel.
The urgent need was the protection of Constantinople and the recovery
of Anatolia. The Byzantines were more realistic about their Muslim
neighbours than the distant popes and princes of the West. Jerusalem
had finally been taken by the Seljuqs in 1071, but the most immediate
threat to Byzantium came from the Pechenegs and the Normans. Alexius
was tactful in his dealings with the pope and ready to discuss the
differences between the churches. But neither party foresaw the
consequences of Pope Urban II's appeal in 1095 for recruits to fight
a Holy War. The response in western Europe was overwhelming. The
motives of those who took the cross as crusaders ranged from religious
enthusiasm to a mere spirit of adventure or a hope of gain; and
it was no comfort to Alexius to learn that four of the eight leaders
of the First Crusade were Normans, among them Bohemond, the son
of Robert Guiscard. Since the crusade had to pass through Constantinople,
however, the Emperor had some control over it. He required its leaders
to swear to restore to the empire any towns or territories they
might conquer from the Turks on their way to the Holy Land. In return,
he gave them guides and a military escort. Still, the cost was enormous,
for the crusaders had to be supplied with food or live off the land
as they went.
Nicaea fell to them in 1097 and was duly handed over to the Emperor
in accord with the agreement. In 1098 they reached, and captured,
Antioch. There the trouble started. Bohemond refused to turn over
the city and instead set up his own principality of Antioch. His
example was imitated in the establishment of the Latin Kingdom of
Jerusalem (1100), which had fallen to the crusaders the year before,
and of the counties of Edessa and Tripoli. The crusaders settled
down to colonize and defend the coast of Palestine and Syria and
to quarrel among themselves. While they did so, Alexius was able
to establish a new and more secure boundary between Byzantium and
Islam through the middle of Anatolia. Full advantage was taken of
the prevailing rivalry between the Seljuq sultans at Konya and the
rival dynasty of the Danishmend emirs at Melitene (near modern Malatya,
Tur.); and a limit was set to the westward expansion of the Turks.
The First Crusade thus brought some benefits to Byzantium. But
nothing could reconcile the emperor to Bohemond of Antioch. In 1107
Bohemond mounted a new invasion of the empire from Italy. Alexius
was ready and defeated him at Dyrrhachium in 1108. Byzantine prestige
was higher than it had been for many years, but the empire could
barely afford to sustain the part of a great power. Alexius reconstituted
the army and re-created the fleet, but only by means of stabilizing
the gold coinage at one-third of its original value and by imposing
a number of supplementary taxes. It became normal practice for taxes
to be farmed out, which meant that the collectors recouped their
outlay on their own terms. People in the provinces had the added
burden of providing materials and labour for defense, communications,
and provisions for the army, which now included very large numbers
of foreigners. The supply of native soldiers had virtually ceased
with the disappearance or absorption of their military holdings.
Alexius promoted an alternative source of native manpower by extending
the system of granting estates in pronoia (by favour of the emperor)
and tying the grant to the military obligation. The recipient of
a pronoia was entitled to all the revenues of his estate and to
the taxes payable by his tenants (paroikoi), on condition of equipping
himself as a mounted cavalryman with a varying number of troops.
He was in absolute possession of his property until it reverted
to the crown upon his death. Similarly, Alexius tried to promote
more profitable development of the estates of the church by granting
them to the management of laymen as charistikia or benefices. As
an expedient, the pronoia system had advantages both for the state
and for the military aristocracy who were its main beneficiaries.
But in the long term it hastened the fragmentation of the empire
among the landed families and the breakdown of centralized government
that the 10th-century emperors had laboured to avert.
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