The 6th century: from East Rome to Byzantium
Christian culture of the Byzantine Empire
Justinian's legislation dealt with almost every aspect of the Christian
life: entrance into it by conversion and Baptism; administration
of the sacraments that marked its several stages; proper conduct
of the laity to avoid the wrath God would surely visit upon a sinful
people; finally, the standards to be followed by those who lived
the particularly holy life of the secular or monastic clergy. Pagans
were ordered to attend church and accept Baptism, while a purge
thinned their ranks in Constantinople, and masses of them were converted
by missionaries in Asia Minor. Only the orthodox wife might enjoy
the privileges of her dowry; Jews and Samaritans were denied, in
addition to other civil disabilities, the privilege of testamentary
inheritance unless they converted. A woman who worked as an actress
might better serve God were she to forswear any oath she had taken,
even though before God, to remain in that immoral profession. Blasphemy
and sacrilege were forbidden, lest famine, earthquake, and pestilence
punish the Christian society. Surely God would take vengeance upon
Constantinople, as he had upon Sodom and Gomorrah, should the homosexual
persist in his "unnatural" ways.
Justinian regulated the size of churches and monasteries, forbade
them to profit from the sale of property, and complained of those
priests and bishops who were unlearned in the forms of the liturgy.
His efforts to improve the quality of the secular clergy, or those
who conducted the affairs of the church in the world, were most
opportune. The best possible men were needed, for, in most East
Roman cities during the 6th century, imperial and civic officials
gradually resigned many of their functions to the bishop, or patriarch.
The latter collected taxes, dispensed justice, provided charity,
organized commerce, negotiated with barbarians, and even mustered
the soldiers. By the early 7th century, the typical Byzantine city,
viewed from without, actually or potentially resembled a fortress;
viewed from within, it was essentially a religious community under
ecclesiastical leadership. Nor did Justinian neglect the monastic
clergy, or those who had removed themselves from the world. Drawing
upon the regulations to be found in the writings of the 4th-century
Church Father St. Basil of Caesarea, as well as the acts of 4th-
and 5th-century church councils, he ordered the cenobitic (or collective)
form of monastic life in a fashion so minute that later codes, including
the rule of St. Theodore the Studite in the 9th century, only develop
the Justinianic foundation.
Probably the least successful of Justinian's ecclesiastical policies
were those adopted in an attempt to reconcile Monophysites and orthodox
Chalcedonians. After the success of negotiations that had done so
much to conciliate the West during the reign of Justin I, Justinian
attempted to win over the moderate Monophysites, separating them
from the extremists. Of the complicated series of events that ensued,
only the results need be noted. In developing a creed acceptable
to the moderate Monophysites of the East, Justinian alienated the
Chalcedonians of the West and thus sacrificed his earlier gains
in that quarter. The extreme Monophysites refused to yield. Reacting
against Justinian's persecutions, they strengthened their own ecclesiastical
organization, with the result that many of the fortress cities noted
above, especially those of Egypt and Syria, owed allegiance to Monophysite
ecclesiastical leadership. To his successors, then, Justinian bequeathed
the same religious problem he had inherited from Anastasius.
If, in contrast, his regulation of the Christian life proved successful,
it was largely because his subjects themselves were ready to accept
it. Traditional Greco-Roman culture was, to be sure, surprisingly
tenacious and even productive during the 6th century and was always
to remain the treasured possession of an intellectual elite in Byzantium;
but the same century witnessed the growth of a Christian culture
to rival it. Magnificent hymns written by St. Romanos Melodos mark
the striking development of the liturgy during Justinian's reign,
a development that was not without its social implications. Whereas
traditional pagan culture was literary and its pursuit or enjoyment
thereby limited to the leisured and wealthy, the Christian liturgical
celebration and its musical component were available to all, regardless
of place or position. Biography, too, became both markedly Christian
and markedly popular. Throughout the countryside and the city, holy
men appeared in legend or in fact, exorcising demons, healing the
sick, feeding the hungry, and warding off the invader. Following
the pattern used in the 4th century by Athanasius to write the life
of St. Anthony, hagiographers recorded the deeds of these extraordinary
men, creating in the saint's life a form of literature that began
to flower in the 6th and 7th centuries.
The vitality and pervasiveness of popular Christian culture manifested
themselves most strongly in the veneration increasingly accorded
the icon, an abstract and simplified image of Christ, the Virgin,
or the saints. Notable for the timeless quality that its setting
suggested and for the power expressed in the eyes of its subject,
the icon seemingly violated the Second Commandment's explicit injunction
against the veneration of any religious images. Since many in the
early centuries of the church so believed, and in the 8th century
the image breakers, or iconoclasts, were to adopt similar views,
hostility toward images was nearly as tenacious an aspect of Christianity
as it had been of Judaism before it.
The contrasting view - a willingness to accept images as a normal
feature of Christian practice - would not have prevailed had it
not satisfied certain powerful needs as Christianity spread among
Gentiles long accustomed to representations of the divinity and
among Hellenized Jews who had themselves earlier broken with the
Mosaic commandment. The convert all the more readily accepted use
of the image if he had brought into his Christianity, as many did,
a heritage of Neoplatonism. The latter school taught that, through
contemplation of that which could be seen (i.e., the image of Christ),
the mind might rise to contemplation of that which could not be
seen (i.e., the essence of Christ). From a belief that the seen
suggests the unseen, it is but a short step to a belief that the
seen contains the unseen and that the image deserves veneration
because divine power somehow resides in it.
Men of the 4th century were encouraged to take such a step, influenced
as they were by the analogous veneration that the Romans had long
accorded the image of the emperor. Although the first Christians
rejected this practice of their pagan contemporaries and refused
to adore the image of a pagan emperor, their successors of the 4th
century were less hesitant to render such honour to the images of
the Christian emperors following Constantine.
Since the emperor was God's vicegerent on Earth and his empire
reflected the heavenly realm, the Christian must venerate, to an
equal or greater degree, Christ and his saints. Thus the Second
Commandment finally lost much of its force. Icons appeared in both
private and public use during the last half of the 6th century:
as a channel of divinity for the individual and as a talisman to
guarantee success in battle. During the dark years following the
end of Justinian I's reign, no other element of popular Christian
belief better stimulated that high morale without which the Byzantine
Empire would not have survived.
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